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WRITINGS OF TAGORE, NEHRU AND TAN YUN-SHAN
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(Full text of correspondence between Yone
Noguchi and Rabindranath Tagore on the Sino-Japanese Conflict.)* 41
Sakurayama, Nakano,
Takyo. July
23rd, 1988. Dear Rabindranath,
When I visited you at Shantiniketan a few years ago, you were
troubled with the Ethiopian question, and vehemently condemned Italy.
Retiring into your guest chamber that night, I wondered whether you would
say the same thing on Japan, if she were equally situated like Italy. I
perfectly agreed with your opinion and admired your courage of speaking,
when in Tokyo, 1916, you censured the westernization of Japan from a
public platform. Not answering back to your words, the intellectual people
of my country were conscious of its possible consequence, for, not only
staying as an unpleasant spectacle, the westernization had every chance
for becoming anything awful. But if you take the present war in China for
the criminal outcome of Japan’s surrender to the West, you are wrong,
because, not being a slaughtering madness, it is, I believe, the
inevitable means, terrible it is though, for establishing a new great
world in the Asiatic continent, where the “principle of
live-and-let-live” has to be realized. Believe me, it is the war of
“Asia for Asia.” With a crusader’s determination and with a sense of
sacrifice that belongs to a martyr, our young soldiers go to be front.
Their minds are light and happy, the war is not for conquest, but the
correction of mistaken idea of China, I mean Kuomingtung government, and
for uplifting her simple and ignorant masses to better life and wisdom.
Borrowing from other countries neither money nor blood, Japan is
undertaking this tremendous work single-handed and alone. I do not know
why we cannot be praised by your countrymen. But we are terribly blamed by
them, as it seems, for our heroism and aim. Sometime ago the Chinese army, defeated in
Huntung province by Hwangho River, had cut from desperate madness several
places of the river bank; not keeping in check the advancing Japanese
army, it only made thirty hundred thousand people drown in the flood and
one hundred thousand village houses destroyed. Defending the welfare of
its own kinsmen or killing them, -- which is the object of the Chinese
army, I wonder? It is strange
that such an atrocious inhuman conduct ever known in the world history did
not become in the west a target of condemnation. Oh where are your
humanitarians who profess to be a guardian of humanity? Are they deaf and
blind? Besides the Chinese
soldiers, miserably paid and poorly clothed, are a habitual criminal of
robbery, and then an everlasting menace to the honest hard-working people
who cling to the ground. Therefore the Japanese soldiers are followed by
them with the paper flags of the Rising Sun in their hands ; to a
soldierly work we have to add one more endeavour in the relief work of
them. You can imagine how expensive is this war for Japan. Putting
expenditure out of the question, we are determined to use up our last cent
for the final victory that would ensure in the future a great peace of
many hundred years. I received the other day a letter from my
western friend, denouncing the world that went to Hell. I replied him,
saying : “Oh my friend, you should cover your ears, when a war bugle
rings too wild. Shut your eyes against a picture of your martial cousins
becoming a fish salad ! Be patient, my friend, for a war is only spasmodic
matter that cannot last long, but will adjust one’s condition better in
the end. You are a coward if you are afraid of it. Nothing worthy will be
done unless you pass through a severe trial. And the peace that follows
after a war is most important.” For this peace we Japanese are ready to
exhaust our resources of money and blood. Today we are called under the flag of
“Service-making,” each person of the country doing his own bit for the
realization of idealism. There was no time as today in the whole historyM
of Japan, when all the people, from the Emperor to a rag-picker in the
street, consolidated together with one mind. And there is no more foolish
supposition as that our financial bankruptey is a thing settled if the war
drags on. Since the best part of the Chinese continent is already with us
in friendly terms, we are not fighting with the whole of China. Our enemy
is only the Kuomingtung government, a miserable puppet of the west. If
Chiang Kai-shek wishes a long war, we are quite ready for it. Five years ?
Ten years ? Twenty years? As long as he desires, my friend. Now one
years has passed since the first bullet was exchanged between China and
Japan ; but with a fresh mind as if it sees that the war has just begun,
we are now looking the event in the face. After the fall of Hankow, the
Kuomingtung government will retire to a remote place of her country; but
until the western countries change their attitude towards China, we will
keep up fighting with fists or wisdom. The Japanese poverty is widely advertised in
the west, though I do not know how it was started. Japan is poor beyond
doubt, -- well, according to the measure you wish to apply to. But I thing
that the Japanese poverty is a fabricated story as much as richness of
China. There is no country in the world like Japan, where money is equally
divided among the people. Supposing that we are poor, I will say that we
are trained to stand the pain of poverty. Japan is very strong in
adversity. But you will be surprised to know that the
postal saving of people comes up now to five thousand million yen,
responding to the government’s propaganda of economy. For going on,
surmounting every difficulty that the war brings in, we are saving every
cent and even making good use of waste scraps. Since the war began, we
grew spiritually strong and true ten times more than before. There is
nothing hard to accomplish to a young man. Yes, Japan is the land of young
men. According to nature’s law, the old has to retire while the young
advances. Behold, the sun is arising, be gone all the sickly bats and
dirty vermins ! Cursed be one’s intrigue and empty pride that sin
against nature’s rule and justice. China could very well avoid the war, of
course, if Chiang Kai-shek was more sensible with insight. Listening to an
irresponsible third party of the west a long way off, thinking too highly
of his own strength, he turned at last his own country, as she is today,
into a ruined desert to which fifty years would not be enough for
recovery. He never happened to think for a moment that the friendship of
western countries was but a trick of their monetary interest itself in his
country. And it is too late now for Chiang to reproach them for the
faithlessness of their words of promise. For a long time we had been watching with
doubt at Chiang’s program, the consolidation of the country, because the
Chinese history had no period when the country was unified in the real
meaning, and the subjugation of various war-lords under his flag was
nothing. Until all the people took an oath of co-operation with him, we
thought, his program was no more than a table talk. Being hasty and
thoughtless, Chiang began to popularize the anti-Japanese movement among
the students who were pigmy politicians in some meaning because he deemed
it to be a method for the speedy realization of his program; but he never
thought that he was erring from the Oriental ethics that preached on
one’s friendship with the neighbours. Seeing that his propagation had
too great effect on his young followers, he had no way to keep in check
their wild jingoism, and them finally made his country roll down along the
slope of destruction. Chiang is a living example who sold his country to
the west for nothing, and smashed his skin with the crime of
westernization. Dear Rabindranath, what will you say about this Chiang
Kai-shek? Dear poet, today we have to turn our deaf ears
towards a lesson of freedom that may come from America, because the people
there already ceased to practice it. The ledgerbook diplomacy of England
is too well known through the world. I am old enough to know from
experience that no more worse than others. Though I admit that Japan is
today ruled by militarism, natural to the actual condition of the country,
I am glad that enough freedom of speaking and acting is allowed to one
like myself. Japan is fairly liberal in spite of the war time. So I can
say without fear to be locked up that those service-crazy people are
drunken, and that a thing in the world, great and ture, because of its
connection with the future, only comes from one who hates to be a common
human unit, stepping aside so that he can unite himself with Eternity. I
believe that such a one who withdraws into a snail’s shell for the quest
of life’s hopeful future, will be in the end a true patriot, worthy of
his own nation. Therefore I am able to disgrace the name of poet, and to
try to live up to the words of Browning who made the Grammmarian exclain: “Leave Now for dogs and apeas! Man has
Forever”. Yours
very sincerely, Yone
Noguchi.
“Uttarayan,” Santimiketan,Bengal. Sepember
1, 1938. Dear
Noguchi,
I am profundly surprised by the letter that you have written to me:
neither its temper nor its contents harmonise with the spirit of Japan
which I learnt to admire in your writings and came to love through my
personal contacts with you.Its is sad to think that the passion of
collective militarism may on occasion helplessly overwhelm even the
creative artist, that genuine intellectual power should be led to offer
its dignity and truth to be sacrificed at the shrine of the dark gods of
war. You seem to agree with me in your condemnation
of the massacre of Ethiopia by Fascrist Italy but you would reserve the
murderous attack on Chinese millions for judgment under a different
category. But surely judgments are based on principle, and no amount of
special pleading can changethe fact that in launching a ravening war on
Chinese himanity, with all the deadly methods learnt from the West, Japan
is infringing every moral principle on which civilisation is based. You
claim that Japan’s situation was unique, forgetting that military
situations are always unique, and that pious war-lords, convinced of
peculiarly individual justification for their atrocities have never failed
to arrange for special alliances with divinity for anihilation and torture
on a large scale. Humanity, in spite of its many failures, has
believed in a fundamental moral structure of society. When you speak,
therefore, of “the inevitable means, terrible it is though, for
establishing a new great world in the Asiatic continent” -- signifying,
I suppose, the bombing on Chinese women and children and the desecration
of ancient temples and Universities as a means of saving China for
Asia--you are ascribing to humanity a way of life which is not even
inevitable among the animals and would certainly not apply to the East, in
spite of her occasional aberrations. You are building your conception of
an Asia which would be raised on a tower of skulls. I have, as you rightly
point out, believed in the message of Asia, but I never dreamt that this
message could be identified with deeds which brought exaltation to the
heart of Tamer Lane at his terrible efficiency in manslaughter. When I
protested against “Westernisation” in my lectures in Japan, I
contrasted the rapacious Imperialism which some of the Nations of Europe
were cultivating with the ideal of perfection preached by Buddha and
Christ, with the great heritages of culture and good neighbourliness that
went to the making of Asiatic and other civilisations. I felt it to be my
duty to warn the land of Bushido, of great Art and traditions of noble
heroism, that this phase of scientific savagery which victimised Western
humanity and had led their helpless masses to a moral cannibalism was
never to be imitated by a virile people who had entered upon a glorious
renascence and had every promise of a creative future before them. The
doctrine of “Asia for Asia” which you enunciate in your letter, as an
instrument of political blackmail, has all the virtues of the lessor
Europe which I repudiate and nothing of the larger humanity that makes us
one across the barriers of political labels and divisions. I was amused to
read the recent statement of a Tokyo politician that the military alliance
of Japan with Italy and Germany was made for “highly spiritual and moral
reasons” and “had no materialistic considerations behind them”.
Quite so, What is not amusing is that artists and thinkers should echo
such remarkable sentiments that translate military swagger into spiritual
bravado. In the West, even in the critical days of war-madness, there is
never any dearth of great spirits who can raise their voice above the din
of battle, and defy their own war-mongers in the name of humanity. Such
men have suffered, but never betrayed the conscience of their peoples
which they represented. Asia will not be westernised if she can learn from
such men : I still believe that there are such souls in Japan though we do
not hear of them in those newspapers that are compelled at the cost of
their extinction to reproduce thier military master’s voice. “The betrayal of intellectuals” of which
the great French writer spoke after the European war, is a dangerous
symptom of our Age. You speak of the savings of the poor people of Japan,
their silent sacrifice and suffering and take pride in betraying that this
pathetic sacrifice is being exploited for gun running and invasion of a
neighbour’s hearth and home, that human wealth of greatness is pillaged
for inhuman purposes. Propaganda, I know, has been reduced to a fine art,
and it is almost impossible for peoples in non-democratic countries to
resist hourly doses of poison, but one had imagined that at least the men
of intellect and imagination would themselves retain their gift of
independent judgment Evidently such is not always the case ; behind
sophisticated arguments seem to lie a mentality of perverted nationalism
which makes the “intellectuals” of today to blustering about their
“ideologies” dragooning their own “masses” into paths of
dissolution. I have known your people and I hate to believe that they
could deliberately participate in the organised drugging of Chinese men
and women by opium and heroin, but they do not know; in the meanwhile,
representatives of Japanese culture in China are busy practising their
craft on the multititudes caught in the grip of an organisation of a
wholesale human pollution. Proofs of such forcible drugging in Manchukuo
and China have been adduced by unimpeachable authorities. But from Japan
there has come no protest, not even from her poets. Holding such opinions as many of your
intellectuals do, I am not surprised that they are left “free” by your
Government to express themselves. I hope they enjoy their freedom.
Retiring from such freedom into “a snail’s shell” in order to savour
the bliss of meditation “on life’s hopeful future”, appears to me to
be an unnecessary act, even though you advice Japanese artists to do so by
way of though you advice Japanese artists to do so by way of change. I
cannot accept such separation between an artist’s function and his moral
conscience. The luxury of enjoying special favouritism by virtue of
identity with a Government which is engaged in demolition, in its
neighbourhood, of all salient bases of life, and of escaping, at the same
time, from any direct responsibility by a philosophy of escapism, seems to
me to be another authentic symptom of the modern intellectual’s betrayal
of humanity. Unfortunately the rest of the world is almost cowardly in any
adequate expression of its judgment owing to ugly possibilities that it
may be hatching for its own future and those who are bent upon doing
mischief are left alone to defile their history and blacken their
reputation for all time to come. But such impunity in the long run
bodisaster, like unconsciousness of disease in its painless progress of
ravage. I speak with utter sorrow for your people ;
your letter has hurt me to the depths of my being. I know that one day the
disillusionment of your people will be complete, and through laborious
centuries they will have to clear the debris of their civilisation wrought
to ruin by their own war-lords run amok. The will realise that the
aggressive was on China is insignificant as compared to the destruction of
the inner spirit of chivalry of Japan which is proceeding with a ferocious
severity. China is unconquerable, her civilisation, under the dauntless
leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, is dis-playing marvellous resources ; the
desperate loyalty of her peoples, united as never before, is creating a
new age for that land. Caught unprepared by a gigantic machinery of war,
hurled upon her peoples, China is holding her own no temporary defeats can
ever crush her fully aroused spirit. Faced by the borrowed science of
Japanese militarism which is crudely western in character, China's stand
reveals an inherently superior moral stature. And today I understand more
than ever before the meaning of the enthusiasm with which the big-hearted
Japanese thinker Okakura assured me that China is great. You do not realise that you are glorifying
your neighbour at your own cost. But these are considerations on another
plane : the sorrow remains that Japan, in the words of Madame Chiang Kai-Shek
which you must have read in the spectator, is creating so many ghosts.
Ghosts of immemorial works of Chinese art, of irreplaceable Chinese
institutions, of great peace-loving communities drugged, tortured, and
destroyed. "Who will lay the ghosts ?" she asks. Japanese and
Chinese people, let us hope, will join hands together, in True Asian
humanity will be reborn. Poets will raise their song and be unashamed, one
believes, to declare their faith again in a human destiny which cannot
admit of a scientific mass production of fratricide. Yours sincerely, Rabindranath Tagore. P.S. -- I find that you have already released
your letter to the Press ; I take it that you want me to publish my answer
in the same manner. 41,
Sakurayama, Nakano,
Tokyo. Oct.
2nd, 1988. Dear Tagore, Your eloquent letter, dated Sept. Ist. was
duely* received. I am glad that the letter inspired me to write you once
more. No one in Japan denies the greatness of China,
-- I mean the Chinese people. China of the olden times was great with
philosophy, literature and art, -- particularly in the T'ang dynasty.
Under Chinese influence Japan started to build up her own civilization.
But I do not know why we should not oppose to the misguided government of
China for the old debt we owe her people. And nobody in Japan ever dreams
that we can conquer China. What Japan is doing in China, it is only, as I
alreay said, to correct the mistaken idea of Chiang Kai-shek; on this
object Japan in staking her all. If Chiang Kai-shek ; on this object Japan
is staking her hands for the future of both the countries, China and
Japan, the war will be stopped to once. I am glad that you still admire Kakuzo Okakura
with enthusiasm as a thinker. If he lives to-day, I believe that he will
say the same thing as I do. Betraying your trust, many Chinese soldiers in
the front surrender to our Japanese force, and join with us in the cry,
"Down with Chiang Kai-shek !" Where is Chinese loyality to him? Having no proper organ of expression, Japanese
opinion is published only seldom in the west ; and real fact is always
hidden and often comouflaged by cleverness of the Chinese who are a born
propagandist. They are strong in foreign languages, and their tongues
never fail. While the Japanese are always reticent, evern when situation
demands their explanation. From the experiences of many centuries, the
Chinese have cultivated an art of speaking for they had been put under
such a condition that divided their country to various antagonistic
divisions ; and being always encroached by the western countries, they
depended on diplomacy to turn a thing to their advantage. Admitting that
China completely defeated Japan in foreign publicity, it is sad that she
often goes too far and plays trickery. For one instance I will call your
attention to the reproduced picture from a Chinese paper on page 247 of
the Modern Review for last August, as a living specimen of "Japanese
Atrocities in China : Execution of a Chinese Civilians." So awful
pictures they are -- awful enough to make ten thousand enemies of Japan in
a foreign country. But the pictures are nothing but a Chinese invention,
simple and plain, because the people in the scenes are all Chinese,
slaughterers and all. Besides any one with commonsense would know, if he
stops for a moment, that it is impossible to take such a picture as these
at the front. Really I cannot understand how your friend-editor of the
modern Review happened to published them. It is one's right to weave a dream at the
distance, and to create an object of sympathy at the expense of China.
Believe me that I am second to none in understanding the Chinese masses
who are patient and dilligent, clinging to the ground. But it seems that
you are not acquainted with the China of corruption and bribery, and of
war lords who put money in a foreign bank when their country is at stake.
So long as the country is controlled by such polluted people, the Chinese
have only a little chance to create a new age in their land. They have to
learn first of all the meaning of honesty and sacrifice before dreaming
it. But for this new age in Asia, Japan is engaging in the war, hoping to
obtain a good result and mutual benefit that follow the swords. We must
have a neighbouring country, strong and true, which is glad to co-operate
with us in our work of recons-tructing Asia in the new way. That is only
what we expect from China. Japan's militarism is a tremendous affair no
doubt. But if you condemn Japan, because of it, you are failing to notice
that Chiang's China is a far more great military country than Japan. China
is now mobilizing seven or eight million soldiers armed with European
weapons. From cowardice or being ignorant of the reason why they had to
fight, the Chinese soldiers are so unspirited in the front. But for this
unavailability you cannot foregive Chiang's militarism, if your denial is
absolute and true. For the last twenty years Chiang had been trying to arm
his country under the western advisers ; and these western advisers were
mostly from Italy and Germany, the countries of which you are so
impatient. And it should be attributed to their advice that he started war
; though it is too late to blame the countries that formally provided him
with military knowledge, it is never too late for him to know that the
western countries are not worthy of trust. There is no country in the
world, that comes to rescue the other at her own expense. If you are a
real sympathizer of China, you should come along with your program with
she had to do, not passing idly with your condemnation of Japan's
militarism. And if you have to condemn militarism, that condemnation
should be equally divided between China and Japan. It is true that when two quarrel, both are in
the wrong. And when fighting is over, both the parties will be put perhaps
in the mental situation of one who is crying over spilt milk. War is
situation of one who is crying over spilt milk. War is atrocious, --
particularly when it is performed in a gigantic way as in China today. I
hope that you will let me apply your accusation of Japanese atrocity to
China, just as it is. Seeing no atrocity in China, you are speaking about
her as an innocent country. I expected something impartial from a poet. I have to think (sic) you that you called my
attention to the "Modern intellectual's betrayal of humanity,"
whatever it be. One can talk any amount of idealism, apart from in
reality, if he wishes, and take the pleasure of one belonging to no
country. But sharing patriotism equally with the others, we are trying to
acquit the duty of talk Heaven when immediate matter of the earth is well
arranged. Supposing that we accept your advice to become
a van-guard of humanity according to your prescription, and supposing that
we leave China to her own will, and save ourselves from being a
"betrayal of the intellectuals," who will promise us with the
safety of Japanese spirit that we cultivated with pairs of thousand years,
under the threat of communism across a fence? We don't want to barter our
home land for an empty name of intellectuals. No, you musn't talk nonsense
! God forbid ! Admitting, that militarism is criminal, I
think that, if your humanity makes life a mutilated mud-fish, its crime
would never be smaller than the other. I spent my whole life admiring
beauty and truth, with one hope to lift life to a dignity, more vigorous
and noble ; from this reason, I face in madness, with three wild eyes,
promised me with a forthcoming peace. And also at Elephanta Island ; near
Bombay, I learned from the Three-headed Siva a lesson of destruction as
inevitable truth of life. Then I wrote : "Thy slaughter's sword is never so unkind
as it appears. Creation is great, but destroying is still
greater, Because up from the ashes new Wonder take its
flight." But if you command me to obey the meekness of
humanity under all the circumstances, you are forgetting what your old
Hindu philosophy taught you. I say this not only for my purpose, because
such reflection is important for any country. I wonder who reported to you that we are
killing innocent people and bombing on their unprotected towns. Far from
it, we are trying to do our best for helping them, because we have so much
to depend on them for co-operation in the future, and because Bushido
command us to limit purnishment to a thing which only deserves it. It was
an apt measure of our Japanese soldiers that the famous cave temples of
the 5th century in North China were saved from savage repacity of the
dereated Shinese (sic) soldiers in fight. Except madame chiang with
frustrated brain, no one has seen the "ghosts of Chinese institutions
and art, destroyed". And if those institutions and art, admitting
that they are immemorial and irreplacable, had been ever destroyed it is
but the crazy work of Chinese soldiers, because they want to leave a
desert to Japan. You ought to know better since you are acquainted with so
many Japanese, whether or not we are acquainted with so many Japanese,
whether or not we are qualified to do anything barbarous. I believe that you are versed in Bushido. In
olden time soldiery was lifted in Japan to a status equally high as that
of art and morality. I have no doubt that our soldiers will not betray and
tradition. If there is difference in Japanese militarism from that of the
west, it is because the former is not without moral element. Who only sees
its destroying power is blind to its other power in preservation. Its
human aspect is never known in the foreign countries, because they shut
their eyes toit. Japan is still an unknown existence in the west .Having
so many things to displease you, Japanese militarism has still something
that will please you if you come toknow more about it. It is a excusable
existence for the present condition of Japan. But I will leave the full
explanation of it to some later occasion. Believe me that I am never an eulogist of
Japanese militarism, because I have many differences with it. But I can
not help accepting as a Japanese what Japan is doing now under the
circumstances, because I see no other way to show our minds to china. Of
course when China stops fighting, and we receive her friendly hands,
neither grudge nor ill feeling will remain in our minds. Perhaps with some
sense of repentence, we will then proceed together on the great work of
reconstructing the new world in Asia. I often draw in my mind a possible man who can
talk from a high domain and act as a peace-maker. You might write General
Chiang, I hope, and tell him about the follishness of fighting in the
presence of a great work that is waiting. And I am sorry that against the
high-pitches nature of your letter, mine is low-toned and faltering,
because as a Japanese subject I belong to one of the responsible parties
of the conflict. Finally one word more. What I fear most is the
present atmosphere in India, that tends to wilfully blacken Japan to
alienate her from your country. I have so many friends there, whose
beautiful nature does not harmonise with it. My last experiences in your
country taught me how to love and respect her. Besides there are in Japan
so many admirers of your countrymen with your noble self as the first. Yours
sincerely, Yone
Noguchi.
"Uttarayana", Santiniketan,
Bengal. October,
1938. Dear Noguchi, I thank you for taking the trouble to writer
to me again. I have also read with interest your letter addressed to the
Editor, Amrita Bazar Patrika, and published in that journal.*
It makes the meaning of your letter to me more clear. * The following is the text of the letter
referred to : "Dear Editor,
Dr. Tagore's reply to my letter was a disappointment, to use his
words, hurted me to the depths of my being. Now I am conscious that
language is an ineffective instrument to carry one's real meaning. When I
wanted an impartial criticism he gave me something of prejudiced bravado
under the beautiful name of humanity. Just for a handful of dream, and for
an intellectual's ribbon to stick in his coat, he has lost a high office
to correct the mistaken idea of reality. "It seems to us that when Dr. Tagore
called the doctrine of "Asia for Asia" a political blackmail, he
relinquished his patriotism to boast quiescence of a spiritual vagabond,
and wilfully supporting the Chinese side, is encouraging Soviet Russia,
not to mention the other western countries. I meant my letter to him to be
a plea for the understanding of Japan's view-point which, in spite of its
many failures, is honest. I wonder whether it is a poet's privilege to
give one whipping before listening to him words. When I dwelled on the
saving of the people of Japan at the present time of conflict, he
denounced it as their government's exploitation "for gun running and
invasion of a neighbour's hearth and home."
But when he does not use the same language towards his friend China
his partiality is something moustrous. And I wonder where is his former
heart which made us Japanese love him said lonour him. But still we are
patient, believing that he will come to senses and take a neutral dignity
fitting to a prophet who does not depart from fair judgment. "Living in a country far from your
country, I do not know where Dr. Tagore's reply appeared in print.
Believing that you are known to his letter, I hope that you will see way
to print this letter of mine in your esteemed paper. Yours
sincerely Yone
Noguchi." I am flattered that you still consider it
worthwhile to take such pains to convert me to your point of view, and I
am really sorry that I am unable to come to my senses, as yu have been
pleased to wish it. It seems to me that it is futile for either of us to
try to convince the other since your faith in the infallible right of
Japan to bully other Asiatic nations into line with your Government's
policy is not shared by me, and my faith that patriotism which claims the
right to bring to the altar of its country who sacrifice of other people's
rights and happiness will endanger rather than strengthen the foundation
of any great civilization, is sneered at by you as the "quiescence of
a spiritual vagabond". If you can convince the Chinese that your
armies are bombing their cities and rendering their woman and children
homeless beggars -- those of them that are not transformed into "multilated
mud-fish", to borrow one of your own phrases --, if you can convince
these victims that they are only being subjected to a benevolent treatment
which will in the end "save" their nation, it will no longer be
necessary for you to convince us of your country's noble intentions. Your
righteous indignation against the "polluted people" who are
burning their own cities and art treasures (and presumably bombing their
own citizens) to malign your soldiers, reminds me of Napoleon's noble
wrath when he marched into a deserted Moscow and watched its palaces in
flames. I should have expected from you who are a poet at least that much
of imagination to feel, to what inhuman despair a people must be reduced
to willingly burn their own handiwork of years', indeed centuries', labour.
And even as a good nationalist, do you seriously believe that the mountain
of bleeding corpses and the wilderness of bombed and burnt cities that is
every day widening between your two countries, is making it easier for
your two peoples to streatch your hands ina clasp of ever-lasting good
will ? You complain that while the Chinese, being
"dishonest", are spreading their malicious propaganda, you
people, being "honest", are reticent. Do you not know, my
friend, that there is no propaganda like good and noble deeds, and that if
such deeds by yours, you need fear no "trickery" of your
victims? Nor need you fear the bogey of communism if there is no
exploitation of the poor among your own people and the workers feel that
they are justly treated. I must thank you for explaining to me the
meaning of our Indian philosophy and of pointing out that the proper
interpretation of Kali and Shiva must compel our approval of Japan's
"dance of death" in China. I wish you had drawn a moral from a
religion more familiar to you and appealed to the Buddha for your
justification. But I forget that your priests and artists have already
made sure of that, for I saw in a recent issue of "The Osaka Mainichi
and The Tokyo Nichi Nichi" (16th September, 1988) a picture of a new
colossal image of Buddha erected to bless the massacre of your neighbours. You must forgive me if you words sound bitter.
Believe me, it is sorrow and shame, not anger, that prompt me to write to
you. I suffer intensely not only because the reports of Chinese suffering
batter against my heart, but because I can no longer point out with pride
the example of a great Japan. It is true that there are no better
standards prevalent anywhere else and that the so-called civilized peoples
of the West are proving equally barbarous and even less "worthy of
trust." If you refer me to them, I have nothing to say. What I should
have liked is to be able to refer them to you. I shall say nothing ofmy
own people, for it is vain to boast until one has succeeded in sustaining
one's principles to the end. I am quite conscious of the honour you do me
in asking me to act as a peace-maker. Were it in any way possible for me
to bring you two peoples together and see you freed from this
death-struggle and pledged to the great common "work of
reconstructing the new world in Asia", I would regard the sacrifice
of my life in the cause a proud privilege. But I have no power save that
of moral persuasion, which you have so eloquently ridiculed. You who want
me to be impartial, how can you expect me to appeal to Chiang Kai-Shek to
give up resisting until the aggressors have first given up their
aggression ? Do you know that
last week when I received a pressing invitation from an old friend of mine
in Japan to visit your country, I actually thought for a moment, follish
idealist as I am, that your people may really need my services to minister
to the bleeding heart of Asia and to help extract from its riddled body
the bullets of hatred ? I wrote to my friend : "Though the present state of my health is
hardly favourable for any strain of a long foreign journey, I shoudl
seriously consider your proposal if proper opportunity is given me to
carry out my own mission while there, which is to do my best to establish
a civilised relationship of national amity between two great peoples of
Asia who are entangled in a desolating mutual destruction. But as I am
doubtful whether the military authorities of Japan, which seem bent upon
devastating China in order to gain their object, will allow me the freedom
to take my own course, I shall never forgive myself if I am tempted for
any reason whatever to pay a friendly visit to Japan just at this
unfortunate moment and thus cause a grave misunderstanding. You know I
have a genuine love for the Japanese people and it is sure to hurt me too
painfully to go and watch crowds of them being transported by their rulers
to a neighbouring land to perpetrate acts of inhumanity which will brand
their name with a lasting stain in the history of Man." After the letter was despatched came the news
of the fall of Canton and Hankow. The cripple, shorn of his power to
strike, may collapse, but to ask him to forget the memory of his
mutilation as easily as you want me to, I must expect him to be an angel. Wishing you people whom I love, not success,
but remorse, Yours
sincerely, Rabindranath
Tagore. |
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1999 Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New DelhiAll rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced any manner without written permission of the publisher.